2. [179][180] The agreement was never implemented. This stated that "the London (Conjoint) and Paris Committees formed to influence Jewish opinion in neutral countries in a sense favorable to the Allies" had agreed to make representations to their respective Governments. The establishment in 1948 of a "Jewish state" in Palestine was a phenomenal achievement. The "Shield of David" is of Assyrian origin: previously a decorative motif or magical emblem. England has been using our citizens to protect her ammunition.". Presumably, a formal declaration would presuppose the expulsion of the Turks from Palestine, but the United States was not at war with Turkey, and a declaration implying annexation would exclude an early and separate peace with that country. [77] Hatikvah (Antwerp), December 1927, contains article by Basch. By this time he had come to speak of Zionism as "our cause." (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1916),[16] Lipsky, Louis, A Gallery of Zionist Profiles (New York: Farrar, Straus & Cudahy, 1956), p.37. [122] Jeffries, Palestine: The Reality, p. 140. (New York: World. [106] Jewish Advocate, 13 August 1915. Millions of tons of British shipping had been sunk by German submarines. The figures representing the casualties of our Allies are not before me. The Roumanians had been crushed. [ah] The results of the ongoing American King–Crane Commission of Enquiry consultation of the local population – from which the British had withdrawn – were suppressed for three years until the report was leaked in 1922. Posted on August 6, 2020 by admin. [293], Following the issuance of the Churchill White Paper in June 1922, the House of Lords rejected a Palestine Mandate that incorporated the Balfour Declaration by 60 votes to 25, following a motion issued by Lord Islington. The Balfour Declaration refers to a letter by British Secretary of State, Arthur James Balfour, in November 1917, addressed to a leading British Zionist, Baron Lionel Walter that ‘promised’ Palestine as a national home for the Jews. H.M. Government will use its best endeavours to secure the achievement of the object and will discuss the necessary methods and means with the Zionist Organization. It was intended that Asquith should refuse. For this reason, Britain and France had formed an alliance and fought the Crimean War (1854-56), which ended in the Black Sea being declared neutral; no warships could enter it nor could arsenals be built on its shores. [114] Taylor. " And this made worthwhile the sacrifices so far as well as those needed to end the war with victory. [39] Chamberlain, Austen, Down the Years (London: Cassell & Co., 1935), p.104. Thus, as will be seen, the Zionists having carried out their part, and greatly helped to bring America in, the Balfour Declaration of 1917 was but the public confirmation of the necessarily secret "gentlemens' " agreement of 1916, made with the previous knowledge, acquiescence, and or approval of the Arabs, and of the British, and of the French and other Allied governments, and not merely a voluntary, altruistic and romantic gesture on the part of Great Britain as certain people either through pardonable ignorance assume or unpardonable ill-will would represent or rather misrepresent ...[188]. None of them survived." In a letter of 20 November 1912 to the Zionist Executive, Weizmann mentioned Haldane as one of the important persons to whom he thought he could gain access: Zionist Archives. "[192] The U.S. General Accounting Office figure for military and economic aid to Israel from 1948 through 1982 was $24 billion. Among invited contributors was the immensely wealthy Russian Jew Alexander Helphand who, as "Parvus," was later to suggest to the German left-wing parties that Lenin and his associates be sent to Russia in 1917 to demoralize still further the beaten Russian armies. Arab independence could be prevented by the intervention of England and France, Germany or Russia. As, the only way (which proved so to be) to induce the American President to come into the war was to secure the cooperation of Zionist Jews by promising them Palestine, and thus enlist and mobilize the hitherto unsuspectedly powerful forces of Zionist Jews in America and elsewhere in favour of the Allies on a quid pro quo contract basis. [151] Account by Lt. Eytan Kleibneuf in Haolam Hazeh, Israel, 7 July 1982. This gives us a little background to understand the Balfour Declaration. In Britain, France and Germany, hardly a family numbered all its sons among the living. 2, No 43, 22 February 1935; also, Link, A.S., Wilson, The New Freedom (Princeton: University Press. Gelvin noted that “The British did not know quite what to make of President Woodrow Wilson and his conviction (before America’s entrance into the war) that the way to end hostilities was for both sides to accept “peace without victory.” Two of Wilson’s closest advisors, Schneer described this as follows: “Thus the view from, Grainger writes: “It was later lauded as a great humanitarian gesture and condemned as a wicked plot, but the preceding Cabinet discussions about it show that it was the product of hard-headed political calculation… It was argued that such a declaration would encourage support for the Allies in the United States and in Russia, the two countries in the world which had very large Jewish populations. M. Picot was appointed French representative with Sir Mark Sykes, now Secretary of the British War Cabinet, to define the interests of their countries and to go to Russia to include that country's views in their agreement. Some evidence exists that Schiff and other sponsors like Helphand financed these revolutionaries. In the political presentations, the only reference to America seems to have been offered by Lloyd George: The difficulties we have experienced in making payment for our purchases abroad must be as present to the minds of French statesmen as to ourselves. [xxxvi], Starting in 1920, intercommunal conflict in Mandatory Palestine broke out, which widened into the regional Arab–Israeli conflict, often referred to as the world’s “most intractable conflict”. [308] The Palestine Royal Commission, appointed with significantly broader terms of reference than the previous British inquiries into Palestine,[308] completed its 404-page report after six months of work in June 1937, publishing it a month later. During Israel's invasion of Lebanon, the U.S. Jewish Press carried a regular column by Rabbi Meir Kahane advocating the killing of Palestinians of all ages. Still the Arabs could be managed, particularly if they received Jewish support in other matters.”[93][94][m] At this point the Zionists were still unaware of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, although they had their suspicions. 196. [149] The term was intentionally used instead of “state” because of opposition to the Zionist program within the British Cabinet. Sir Mark Sykes, with whom he was on terms of family friendship, told him that the Cabinet was looking anxiously for United States intervention in the war on the side of the Allies, but when asked what progress was being made in that direction, Sykes shook his head glumly, "Precious little," he replied. The second half of the declaration was added to satisfy opponents of the policy, who had claimed that it would otherwise prejudice the position of the local population of Palestine and encourage antisemitism worldwide by “stamping the Jews as strangers in their native lands”. From the outbreak of the war until Asquith’s fall, it was Weizmann who sought paths to British statesmen and officials to request their aid, but his efforts were blocked due to his radical positions. 262-264. [34] The concern of the majority of rich English Jews was not allayed by articles in the Jewish Chronicle, edited by Leopold Greenberg, pointing out that in the Basle program there was "not a word of any autonomous Jewish state," [35] and in Die Welt, the official organ of the Movement, the article by Nahum Sokolow, then the General Secretary of the Zionist Organization, in which he protested that there was no truth in the allegation that Zionism aimed at the establishment of an independent Jewish State. Dabei sollten die Rechte bestehender nicht-jüdischer Gemeinschaften gewahrt bleiben. According to his biographer he was interested enough in Zionism at the end of 1905 to allow his Jewish constituency party chairman, Charles Dreyfus, to organise a meeting with Weizmann. [42] Of boundaries marked on a map attached to the memorandum he wrote, "By excluding Hebron and the East of the Jordan there is less to discuss with the Moslems, as the Mosque of Omar then becomes the only matter of vital importance to discuss with them and further does away with any contact with the bedouins, who never cross the river except on business. [89] Lloyd George, War Memoirs, 1915-1916, p.434. In the offensives on the western front we had lost three men for every two of the Germans we had put out of action. They pretend with open voice that Palestine, which is the Holy Land of our fathers and the graveyard of our ancestors, which has been inhabited by the Arabs for long ages, who loved it and died in defending it, is now a national home for them… We Arabs, Muslim and Christian, have always sympathized profoundly with the persecuted Jews and their misfortunes in other countries… but there is wide difference between such sympathy and the acceptance of such a nation… ruling over us and disposing of our affairs.[248]. After further conversations with Lloyd George and Grey. [315] In addition, the British intended to pre-empt the expected French pressure for an international administration in Palestine. [xiii], On 7 February 1917, Sykes, claiming to be acting in a private capacity, entered into substantive discussions with the Zionist leadership. Though cut by the Aliens Bill of the Balfour Government, which became law in the summer of 1905, immigration continued so that by 1914 there was a Jewish population in England of some 300,000. Then there is a long-term strategy, From the mass of material in a century of history and in our complex society of today I see the underlying effect of two themes, They influence the lives of every one of us, and will continue to do so unless a change is made. Foreign Office November 2nd, 1917. The strengthening and fostering of Jewish national sentiment and consciousness. As for getting the support of Russian Jewry, Trotsky's aims were to overthrow the Provisional Government and turn the imperialist war into a war of international revolution. That Wilson was vulnerable was evident, in that as early as 1911, he had made known his profound interest in the Zionist idea and in Jewry.[98]. 58. [80], At the same time that Basch had been dispatched to the United States, the French Government approved the setting up of a "Comité de propagande Francais aupres des Juifs neutres," and Jacques Bigart, the Secretary of the Alliance Israelite, accepted a secretaryship of the Comité. on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet. This was an impressive demonstration of the ability of the immigrant Zionists to rally massive support. [73], A few weeks after the interview, the Berlin Zionists' pressure was further weakened by the uncovering by Turkish Intelligence of a Zionist spy ring working for General Allenby's Intelligence section under an Aaron Aaronssohn. [59] Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflections, Vol. Robert John died on June 4, 2007, age 86. Although ostensibly a second Secretary in the Wilhelmstrasse, Warburg has been reported as having the same postition in German counterintelligence as Adrmiral Canaris in World War II. 378f. No one can say what the course of events in Palestine might have been without it. The Zionists were, of course, coordinating their activities internationally. 10. [1][i] This support began in the early 1840s[3] and was led by Lord Palmerston, following the occupation of Syria and Palestine by separatist Ottoman governor Muhammad Ali of Egypt. Immeasurably important to the Jews that revolution succeed... " [120], On 22 March 1917 Jacob H. Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., wrote to Mortimer Schiff, "We should be somewhat careful not to appear as overzealous but you might cable Cassel because of recent action of Germany (the declaration of unlimited U-boat warfare) and developments in Russia we shall no longer abstain from Allied Governments financing when opportunity offers. [194][195], This text thereby avoided committing the entirety of Palestine as the National Home of the Jewish people, resulting in controversy in future years over the intended scope, especially the Revisionist Zionism sector, which claimed entirety of Mandatory Palestine and Emirate of Transjordan as Jewish Homeland [143][194] This was clarified by the 1922 Churchill White Paper, which wrote that “the terms of the declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded ‘in Palestine. The evidence certainly supports his having a part in helping a Zionist victory. 92-93[116] Stein, The Balfour Declaration, pp. [75] Their agreement defined the proposed spheres of influence and control in Western Asia should the Triple Entente succeed in defeating the Ottoman Empire during World War I,[76][77] dividing many Arab territories into British- and French-administered areas. The Balfour Declaration November 2, 1917. LETTER FROM ARTHUR BALFOUR TO LORD WALTER ROTHSCHILD Foreign Office November 2 1917 Dear Lord Rothschild, I have much pleasure in conveying to you on behalf of His Majesty’s Government the following Declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which have been submitted to and approved by the Cabinet: "His Majesty’s Government view with favour… The formation of a strong Jewish community in Palestine would be considered as a valuable political asset. And all nationalisms are defined by what they oppose. [194] I recall distinctly how our soldiers fired their weapons at the elderly, at women and children, all on order of their commanders. We made an equal pledge that we would not turn the Arab off his land or invade his political and social rights”. One of them was the Balfour Declaration. If, in our present circumstances, we wanted to bring about the unity of mankind independent of national boundaries, we would have to combat the ideal of patriotism. [10] With the geopolitical shakeup occasioned by the outbreak of World War I, the earlier calculations, which had lapsed for some time, led to a renewal of strategic assessments and political bargaining over the Middle and Far East. Sykes was interested, and at his request Malcolm introduced him to Dr. Weizmann and the other Zionist leaders, and negotiations were opened which culminated in the Balfour Declaration. [65] Richard Lichtheim to Leonard Stein, 12 February 1952, The Balfour Declaration, p.209, fn. [165] Ibid., Brandeis to House, 24 September 1917. [36] Even at the 11th Congress in 1913, Otto Warburg, speaking as chairman of the Zionist Executive, gave assurances of loyalty to Turkey, adding that in colonizing Palestine and developing its resources, Zionists would be making a valuable contribution to the progress of the Turkish Empire.[37]. “I have seen a land for you on my travels,” Chamberlain told him, “and that’s Uganda. [47]. Men of British ancestry still dominated the powerful infrastructure of the economy, filled top positions in the State Department, in the influential Eastern universities, and in the communications and cultural media. [67], German respect for Jewish goodwill enabled the Constantinople Zionist Agency from December 1914 to use the German diplomatic courier service and telegraphic code for communicating with Berlin and Palestine. Schmidt cites Stein “Bonar law’s views on the Zionist question are unknown” together with his son and his biographer for similar opinions. [American Jewish News, 7 March 1919]. [5]  Stein, Leonard, Zionism (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubaer and Ca., 1932). I, No.3, pp. The total must be appalling.[185]. [Z] [124], Several conversations were held with Picot, including one on 9 April when other officials included Jules Cambon, the Secretary-General of the Foreign Ministry, and the Minister's Chef de Cabinet, Exactly what assurances were given to Sokolow is uncertain, but he wrote to Weizmann "that they accept in principle the recognition of Jewish nationality in terms of a national home, local autonomy, etc." He quotes Miller, writing about one report on the history and impact of Zionism, “absolutely inadequate from any standpoint and must be regarded as nothing more than material for a future report”[166], Lord Robert Cecil on 2 December 1917, assured an audience that the government fully intended that “Judea [was] for the Jews.”[164] Yair Auron opines that Cecil, then a deputy Foreign Secretary representing the British Government at a celebratory gathering of the English Zionist Federation, “possibly went beyond his official brief” in saying (he cites Stein) “Our wish is that Arabian countries shall be for the Arabs, Armenia for the Armenians and Judaea for the Jews”.[167]. [156] Stein, The Balfour Declaration, p. 504, fn. Many detested Czarist Russia and wished to see it destroyed. Sir William Wiseman, "who was persona grata both with the President and with House, was relied upon by the Foreign Office for dealing with the declaration at the American end. On November 2nd, 1917, British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour sent a letter to Lord Rothschild, who was also the leader of … "We spoke of the probability of an ocean liner being sunk," recorded House, "and I told him if this were done, a flame of indignation would sweep across America, which would in itself probably carry us into the war." [169], At the 22 June 1921 meeting of the Imperial Cabinet, Churchill was asked by Arthur Meighen, the Canadian Prime Minister, about the meaning of the national home. Stein, The Balfour Declaration, p. 396, fn. With the geopolitical shakeup occasioned by the outbreak of WWI, the earlier calculation… The declaration contained four clauses, of which the first two promised to support “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people”, followed by two “safeguard clauses”with respect to “the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine”, a… [131][132] The Foreign Office draft was strongly opposed by the Zionists, and was discarded; no copy of the draft has been found in the Foreign Office archives. Of the Executive, two members (Otto Warburg [M] and Arthur Hantke) were German citizens, three (Yechiel Tschlenow, Nahum Sokolow and Victor Jacobson) were Russians and one (Shmarya Levin) had recently exchanged his Russian for Austro-Hungarian nationality. The British Ambassador to the United States (Sir Cecil Spring-Rice) had written from Washington in January 1914 that "a deputation came down from New York and in two days 'fixed' the two Houses so that the President had to renounce the idea of making a new treaty with Russia." Our justification for our policy is that we regard Palestine as being absolutely exceptional; that we consider the question of the Jews outside Palestine as one of world importance, and that we conceive the Jews to have an historic claim to a home in their ancient land; provided that home can be given them without either dispossessing or oppressing the present inhabitants.”, This statement was first made during a debate regarding the upcoming, The Palestine Royal Commission described Lloyd George’s evidence as follows: “In the evidence he gave before us Mr. Lloyd George, who was Prime Minister at the time, stated that, while the Zionist cause had been widely supported in Britain and America before November, 1917, the launching of the Balfour Declaration at that time was “due to propagandist reasons”; and, he outlined the serious position in which the Allied and Associated Powers then were. [92] This prompted Jabotinsky and Weizmann to urge the formation of a special brigade for Russian Jews, but the idea not favorably received by the Government, and the Zionists joined non-Zionists in an effort to persuade Russian Jews of military age to volunteer as individuals for service in the British army. [g], In late 1915 the British High Commissioner to Egypt, Henry McMahon, exchanged ten letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca, in which he promised Hussein to recognize Arab independence “in the limits and boundaries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca” in return for Hussein launching a revolt against the Ottoman Empire. Simon Marks actually arrived at the Office in khaki, and immediately set about the task of organizing the office which, as will be easily understood, had to maintain constant communications with Zionists in most countries. [83], Following the publication of the declaration, the British dispatched Commander David George Hogarth to see Hussein in January 1918 bearing the message that the “political and economic freedom” of the Palestinian population was not in question. [62] German Foreign Office Documents at London Record Office, Washington to Berlin K 692/K 176709-10, and K 692/K 17611-12-Berlin to Washington, 1 November 1914. [12] Ziff, William B., The Rape of Palestine. [191], Nevertheless, neither the Balfour Declaration nor the Mandate precluded the eventual creation of a Jewish State. In the free and prosperous countries it faces the kiss of death, a slow and imperceptible decline into the abyss of assimilation." The declaration by the then foreign secretary was included in a letter to Lord Walter Rothschild, a leading proponent of Zionism, a movement advocating self … 33; Crewe's mother-in-law was the Countess of Rosebery, daughter of Baron Mayer de Rothschild, see p.112, fn. The case of the Balfour Declaration is a fascinating example of a scheme presenting a multiplicity of images according to the facet of mind on which it reflected. [46], Some prominent German Zionists associated themselves with a newly founded organization known as the Komitee fur den Osten, whose aims were: "To place at the disposal of the German Government the special knowledge of the founders and their relations with the Jews in Eastern Europe and in America, so as to contribute to the overthrow of Czarist Russia and to secure the national autonomy of the Jews." Inc., Palestine: A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies (New Haven: Yale University Press 1947), Vol. Among other things, the agreement called for parts of Palestine to be placed under "an international administration. It is merely an expedient for colonization purposes, but, be it well understood, an expedient founded on a national and political basis." [77][252], In 1919, King Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles. Advertisement . [60], The goodwill of Jewry, and especially America's Jews, was assessed by both sides in the war as being very important. More than that, the country was still part of the Empire of a fourth, namely Turkey. [f], A month later, Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his Cabinet colleagues. For the German-Jewish princes of the purse in the United States, the evidence points more to the Russian revolution being the factor of most weight in determining their attitude. The great European War must come. He advised Brandeis to meet Balfour. By restricting war correspondents, the American people were not allowed to know the truth either. [131][132], Following further discussion, a revised – and at just 46 words in length, much shorter – draft declaration was prepared and sent by Lord Rothschild to Balfour on 18 July. [35] Jewish Chronicle, 16 October 1908. see pp. As future historians might not unnaturally suppose Dr. Weizmann's account to be authentic, I have communicated with Mr. Malcolm, who not only confirms the account I have given, but holds a letter written to him by Dr. Weizmann on March 5, 1941, saying: "You will be interested to hear that some time ago I had occasion to write to Mr. Lloyd George about your useful and timely initiative in 1916 to bring about the negotiations between myself and my Zionist colleagues and Sir Mark Sykes and others about Palestine and Zionist support of the allied cause in America and elsewhere.". Lloyd George, an earnest and powerful demagogue, was now prepared to oust Asquith, his chief, by a coup de main. But when offered money for Palestine, the Sultan replied that his people had won their Empire with blood, and owned it. [101] Gwynn, Stephen, Ed., Letters and Friendships of Sir Cecil Spring Rice (London: Constable, 1929), Vol. Sonnino arranged for the secretary general of the ministry to send a letter to the effect that, although he could not express himself on the merits of a program which concerned all the allies, “generally speaking” he was not opposed to the legitimate claims of the Jews. [141], Subsequent authors have debated who the “primary author” really was. Some were detailed, but the British Government did not want to commit itself to more than a general statement of principles. Curzon had been a member of the 1917 Cabinet that had approved the declaration, and according to British historian Sir David Gilmour, Curzon had been “the only senior figure in the British government at the time who foresaw that its policy would lead to decades of Arab–Jewish hostility”. 506. [164], Brandeis saw House on 23 September and drafted a message, sent the following day through the British War Office. Grey asked whether Syria as a whole must necessarily go with Palestine, and Samuel replied that this was not only unnecessary but inadvisable, since it would bring in a large and unassimilable Arab population. When writing the official biography of Lloyd George, I was able to study the original documents bearing on this question. Until mid-1914, the surface of European diplomatic relations was placid, reflecting successfully negotiated settlements of colonial and other questions. The next day, House lunched with Sir Edward Grey and read him all the telegrams that had passed between the President, Gerard and himself since last they had met. [177], The other principal Allied governments were approached with requests for similar pronouncements. If war follows, it will not be a new war, but an endeavor to end more speedily an old one. [175] In a dispatch dated 19 May 1919 from Balfour to Curzon, 'The correspondence with Sir William Wiseman in October 1917' is mentioned as evidence of endorsement of the Balfour Declaration. The political outlook of Italy is menacing. [149] According to historian Norman Rose, the chief architects of the declaration contemplated that a Jewish State would emerge in time while the Palestine Royal Commission concluded that the wording was “the outcome of a compromise between those Ministers who contemplated the ultimate establishment of a Jewish State and those who did not.”[157][xviii], Interpretation of the wording has been sought in the correspondence leading to the final version of the declaration. 4), pages 389-450, 498. [151] De Haas, Jacob, Theodor Herzl: A Biographical Study (Chicago: University Press, 1027), Vol. [86] No direct reply was received, but in a note addressed to the British and French ambassadors four days later, Sazonov obliquely assented, subject to guarantees for the Orthodox Church and its establishments, to raise no objection to the settlement of Jewish colonists in Palestine.[87]. On 19 September Weizmann cabled to Brandeis: Following text declaration has been approved by Foreign Office and Prime Minister and submitted to War Cabinet: 1. Historians disagree as to what the then British Foreign Secretary, Arthur James Balfour, intended by his declaration. [84] Conjoint Foreign Committee, 1916/130ff, 18 February 1916; Stein. One, a book called Christine, by "Alice Cholmondeley," a collection of letters purporting to have been written by a teenage girl music student to her mother in Britain until her death in 1914, mingled a damning catalogue of alleged German character faults with emotional feelings for her fictitious mother and music. [26] Protocols of the 10th Zionist Congress, p.11. Between 1881 and 1905, there was an immigration of some 100,000 Eastern Jews. Translation from Russian (Dresden, 1932), No.91. [166] Stein, The Balfour Declaration, pp. 161-209. [141], The drafting began with Weizmann’s guidance to the Zionist drafting team on its objectives in a letter dated 20 June 1917, one day following his meeting with Rothschild and Balfour. 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